In July 2025, a Bitcoin Improvement Proposal aimed at reining in non-financial block data registered less than 1% miner signaling and zero node adoption. The proposal, BIP-110, sought to limit OP_RETURN payloads, data block sizes, and script formats for one year. It was dead on arrival. But the story is not about a failed soft fork—it is about the cold mechanics of trust that prevented a systemic rupture.
Context: The proposal emerged from the ongoing war over block space usage. Since the 2023 Ordinals boom, Bitcoin blocks have carried increasing amounts of arbitrary data—images, text, even entire applications—transacted via satoshi-embedding protocols like BRC-20. Purists argue this clogs blocks, raises fees for legitimate payments, and distorts the network's purpose. The opposition, led by MicroStrategy's Michael Saylor and veteran developer Adam Back, counters that censorship of valid fee-paying transactions sets a dangerous precedent. BIP-110 attempted to split the difference: a temporary, UASF-activated soft fork with a 55% threshold—lower than the traditional 95% miner consensus—designed to force change without overwhelming opposition. The result: near-total rejection.
Core: Tracing the fault lines in a system’s logic, the failure of BIP-110 exposes three structural layers of Bitcoin's immunity to arbitrary protocol changes.
Layer 1: Technical triviality meets political impossibility. BIP-110 is not a novel scaling solution or security upgrade. It is a parameter adjustment—reducing OP_RETURN limits from 80 bytes to 40, capping data blocks at 1 MB, and disallowing non-standard script forms. From a quantitative perspective, the impact on node storage and bandwidth is negligible (estimated <2% reduction per node per year). The proposal offers no new cryptography, no efficiency gain. It is a regulatory intervention disguised as a protocol upgrade. As I noted while evaluating similar proposals for a Tel Aviv-based fund, the governance cost of such tweaks often outweighs the technical benefit. The 1% miner signal confirms this: miners see no economic reason to alienate a fee-paying segment (Ordinals currently contribute ~5–8% of transaction fees) for a marginal infrastructure gain.
Layer 2: UASF as a double-edged sword. User-Activated Soft Forks allow nodes to enforce rules regardless of miner hash rate. Proponents argue it decentralizes power; critics see it as a weapon that bypasses the very consensus that secures the network. BIP-110's 55% activation threshold deliberately lowers the bar, increasing the risk of a chain split. Jameson Lopp's warning that UASF without supermajority support could fragment the network is not theoretical—it mirrors the 2017 SegWit2x near-split, where a minority chain persisted for months. In this case, the support is so low that even a 55% threshold seems unattainable, but the mechanism remains dangerous. Isolating the variable that broke the model is straightforward: the proposal lacked any backstop for minority holders. If a handful of large node operators activated the rule, they could orphan blocks from non-compliant miners, creating two competing histories. The fact that the community collectively rebuffed this tactic demonstrates that Bitcoin's governance is not merely a voting process—it is an emergent social contract enforced by economic coercion.

Layer 3: The miner-node dance. Miners signal support as a proxy for economic alignment. With only ~1% of hashrate signaling for BIP-110, the message is clear: the industry does not want to penalize paying users. Based on my work modeling miner revenue elasticity for post-halving environments, the opportunity cost of restricting Ordinals is non-trivial. In a scenario where fee revenue drops 10–30% (reasonable if BIP-110 passed and Ordinals migrated to Dogecoin or Litecoin), marginal miners would be forced offline, potentially centralizing hashrate among large pools. The opposition's argument—that paying users should be allowed to transact as they see fit—is both economically rational and ideologically consistent with Bitcoin's permissionless ethos. The proposal's failure reaffirms that protocol-level censorship of valid transactions is a line most participants will not cross.
Contrarian: While BIP-110's defeat is widely celebrated as a win for openness, it also reveals a governance structure that may struggle with future threats. The proposal's core concern—that non-financial data degrades Bitcoin's primary use case as a payments network—is not invalid, merely poorly executed. If Ordinals activity continues to grow, pushing average block sizes toward the 4 MB soft cap and causing persistent fee spikes, the same pressure will resurface. The 1% support today could become 15% tomorrow if miners feel the pinch. Moreover, the UASF mechanism, while blocked now, remains available for any future faction. Observing the cold mechanics of trust, the system works because everyone assumes the other players will behave rationally. That assumption may hold in 2025, but history offers no guarantee. Saylor's warning about 'precedent danger' applies to the opposition as well: by rejecting all intervention, the community may be locking itself into an inflexible stance that forfeits the ability to course-correct.

Takeaway: BIP-110 is a case study in how a system with no formal governance can resist external pressure. The question remains: when the next pressure point emerges—be it a sudden Ordinals fee crisis or a regulatory demand for transaction control—will the same mechanisms hold, or will the fault line deepen? The silence between the blockchain transactions is the sound of a community that chose not to act. The wisdom of that choice will be tested, not by this vote, but by the weight of future contention.
